"All The History Fit To Record"
A Misplaced Book Review
(note: the title of this article emphasizes the fact that The New York Times refused to review this book for many weeks that it was on the Times' own best seller list. This review was posted to alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater July 24, 1996. The Times finally published a review of the book on July 28, 1996.)
"Partners In Power - The Clintons and Their America"
Author - Roger Morris
Publisher - Henry Holt and Company, 1996
526 pages, $27.50 (PSR)
ISBN 0-8050-2804-8
There is a class of political writing which is elevated above the
plane of the culture it examines, by virtue of its resort to history.
It represents an aspiration to reach beyond a journalism committed to
daily or even yearly record and offered at the common market of
partisan pique. The effect, if not the explicit goal, of the better
examination is to render vivid dimensional charts of those tides which
course the relations of men and man. In times when written words
become a (if not the) most important sanctuary of reality, the
reality thus taken to letters becomes important for its acute lessons
to posterity.
In setting out to record the first moments of the Clinton
administration, Roger Morris was reality-bound to dislodge and
illuminate a raw cross-section of glacial rot through which every hope
of the American past is now filtered. This is the aspect which
elevates this book in a market grown thick around a man whose
importance as the forty-second president of the United States is
deeply shadowed by the time of his life.
Morris comes to us even-handed, and a rare specimen: a man who
stepped from darkness to light with his resignation from Richard
Nixon's National Security Council in protest of the invasion of
Cambodia. While not unique for that measure of integrity in public
life, the example must attract one's attention to that sort of vision
when cast over the man's own ideals. "Partners In Power" ultimately
turns to critical analysis of not a failure of liberalism, but a
covert political milieu in which the antagonism of liberalism and
conservatism is loudly contrived and falsely set, with the result of
silent irrelevance. Morris is unabashed liberal. For him, however,
there is no struggle: the game has been called on account of fix.
The subtitle of the book is quite proper for its context of the
inclusion of the proper nouns. Early chapters recount the growth of
ambition amid ethical tornados swirling through the lives of two
people whose course makes straight for the heart of their generation.
Prototypical brats of privileged outburst, each powerfully abiding of
childhood strain until that moment when graduation licensed their
entre' to sheer power, the Clintons raced far ahead of the bounding
school of New Age fry. Driven in the fever of action, there is as
little evidence of their consideration for the essential nature of
the action, as there is of the consideration of a pine forest to a
salmon headed down-river to open sea.
Long before things actually horrible take ideological and physical
aspect at the end of the American Century, the shadows come creeping:
through the musty steam of the Ouachita Mountains and the bosom of a
singular locus of leer where "everybody knew" what the action was, and
big league powers knew when they came to refresh, as well as the
locals who always knew through the various nights of hushed screams
and dull thuds; through the sick-grinning aversion to the out-loud,
the strident advance of secret. The shadows creep through adventure
lost to the safety of John Birch suburbia; through stern enforcement
of dogma at the expense of fact and value connected by thought.
Here, in these shadows, is where two young people were gripped in the
mold of powerful ambition and ambition to power. They were groomed to
various camouflages of "safe" rebellion posed in order to protect
their futures as "politically viable" while engaging the legitimate
outrages of their youth with empty rhetoric. Avatars of "change" came
of age with the old devices of the nod and the wink.
As they came creeping, however, another darkness came to meet their
arrival with a "slow motion coup d'etat", and this is the most
significant aspect of Morris' book. We find a comprehensive account
of the transmutation of American government into a monolithic
structure impervious to every principle of a civil republic which
stamped its birth. "Representation" is reduced to sad shibboleth in
labyrinthine venues of legislation by congressional staff and
pandering to lobbyists, lawyers, consultants, and every species of
courtier. "The Executive" is long since compromised to "theater of
the abject" in its singular importance as repository of powers
imperial to party, and not those characteristic of a man of
authentic leadership.
Note that Morris' account is not remarkable for its acute insight to
fundamentals. This book is largely a panoramic view of symptoms.
For all its grasp of the machine of public politics, it is no more
adept at reaching any radical understanding of the evolution of the
machine's design. Throughout chapters which describe the deviations
of parties and persons across lines of principle and expedience, we
find many of the political and economic premises un-challenged
throughout this century. Laissez-faire is "fetish". "Greed" is
arbitrarily interpolated for self-interest without contextual
reference to actions which would distinguish "greed" from
rightful reward. Large is categorically evil in examination of the
role of "giant corporations" at the levers of power...quite without
the slightest analysis of a specific relationship between the two,
apart from the general assertion. The always nebulous "interests"
lurk near the hand of power, without the slightest understanding of
the nature of interests, the fact that everyone has them, or the
implications to "pressure group warfare" which Ayn Rand analyzed with
genuine incision to principle. Such precise grasp of fundamentals
would tell us how we got here. Morris merely points out the fact that
we have arrived.
The signal is important, however, for its detailed account of the
match of man and culture, perfectly timed for each others' emergence.
Only a culture of disconnection from essentials could advance the
fortunes of a man such as Bill Clinton, and only Bill Clinton (thus
far) could make the most of it. Their stories are convergent.
In a style which invites the future to recall these times, Morris
writes of things so recent and temporal that his past-tense treatments
seem calculated beyond today's best-seller list. Amid rampant
outrages disposable with the very next sound bite, Morris apparently
rejects appeals to today in favor of warnings to tomorrow. The
sensation is present throughout the book. However, it finds salient
distinction in scathing passages which expose the role of news media
in the larger decadence. Chapter seventeen - "Washington III, A
Culture of Complicity" leaves no responsibility un-assigned, to
include that of a "free, conscientious, insightful journalism".
Some might quibble with a "de facto censorship" for the term's loose
fit to an important concept. There can be no doubt of the practical
effect during the years which saw "informed adult consent to the
corrupted system" in political reporting. A nation grown soft to
judgement and faint of discrimination saw its reporting relegated to
second-hand dependence on lists of "experts" regularly rotated through
televised "discussions" of rote banality. Adversary journalism was
relegated to thin public pretense, among cozy relations of private
collegiality "on the reservation", and worse. "Professionalism" came
to designate actual ignorance of the subjects of reporting. "Serious
journalism" actively turned its eyes from the most pressing questions
("What had happened to democracy and what must be done?"). And, in
the manner of treachery natural to all complicity in corruption, the
worst fed on the best: dissenting and authoritative reporting was
cynically dismissed as "sensation" or "conspiracy theory". Careers
were ruined for departing the common mendacity.
In the time of Bill and Hillary Clinton, the mendacity was starkly
common to Little Rock and Washington.
What had been the province of the governor became the precedent to the
presidency. In a meticulously researched and documented narrative,
Morris sets ruthless ambition, a numbing array of lies, calculated
fixes, artful betrayals, coarse operations, and disasters contrived
upon a credulous public, all in a broad matrix of cynical manuevering
for imperial prerogative.
An entire chapter (of a total of twenty) is devoted to the abscess at
Mena, Arkansas. Roiling with dark implication for virtually every
platitude of modern American politics, the tiny mountain town
entertained action far outstripping its scale on a map. "A World
Nearly Devoid Of Rules" reached across international borders and
behind facades of official policy statements for perhaps billions of
dollars squeezed from guns and cocaine, all within unquestionably full
view of the man who would be president. Morris relates this episode
relatively cautiously: the catalog of what many know as "The Arkansas
Horrors" is not fully listed here. However, the essentials of the
case receive scrupulous attention in their connection to the
governor's mansion through Arkansas State Trooper Larry Douglass
"L.D." Brown, who applied for employment with CIA at the suggestion of
Governor Clinton.
This core of the Mena episode is crisply set in the larger and more
menacing context of a Republican administration at Washington as
evidence of endemic corruption on a scale so vast that it must
ultimately challenge, and dismiss, every pretext of "national
security". At the same time, there can only be one judgement of the
"character" of a man who would actively indulge and sanction such
crimes in a career never focused on anything less than the White
House.
As the courses of man and political culture converge, Morris recounts
every step: from a marriage resembling royal convenience, to flagrant
fraud and deceit arranged in the public's name, to flocking sycophants
and villains who sucked at the font of dominion, and every iniquity
conceivable along the way. Taking it all in a single literary stroke,
the author gathers the who, what, when, where, and why, long smeared
across years of dense complexion, and snaps it into focus.
The protrait is appropriately revolting. This is what makes it so
important. This is a book which demands the attention of all who ever
contemplated the modern American straits. It may be ignored, but only
at peril of the judgement of history. Those who maintain that the
Clinton presidency is a watershed event in the American experience
will someday hold "Partners In Power" as an eminent impression of
why it was so.
All readers interested in "shelf life" will inscribe their copies for
their grandchildren.
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